Tony Levitas
Brown University, Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs, Department Member
- Subnational Government, Education Finance and Management, Fiscal federalism and decentralization, Political Science, Chinese Politics, Brazilian Politics, and 8 moreDemocracy as Local development, Nationalism, Race and Ethnicity, Globalization, Migration Studies, Migration, Ethnicity, and Public Policyedit
This note explores the possibility of introducing a much needed general revenue sharing mechanism into the Colombian intergovernmental finance system as a necessary part of its historic peace process.
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In the spring of 2014, and in response to Russian (and Western) demands to “federalize” Ukraine, the government of newly elected President Poroshenko put “decentralization” at the top of its reform agenda. This paper examines what the... more
In the spring of 2014, and in response to Russian (and Western) demands to “federalize” Ukraine, the government of newly elected President Poroshenko put “decentralization” at the top of its reform agenda. This paper examines what the government has actually done against the background of earlier “decentralization” efforts. We argue that the government has shown a strong commitment to decentralization by not recentralizing public finances in the face of armed conflict. But it has proved too weak to pass key laws, most importantly legislation that would require the consolidation of Ukraine’s 10,000 tiny villages into larger townships (amalgamated gromada). As result, it has been forced to rely on a voluntary process of jurisdictional consolidation, and on amendments to the tax and budget codes. Voluntary amalgamation combined with financial reform are clearly “municipalizing” oblast power, and beginning to “gromadize” rayon power. Nonetheless, reformers have avoided talking about their efforts in these terms. Instead, they have advertised the reforms by highlighting the new money that has been given to all subnational governments. But these claims are false once inflation is taken into account. They also mask the structural shifts in power across subnational governments that have been produced by the reforms. Finally, this ‘financialization’ of the discourse around decentralization is creating expectations that will be hard to fulfil going forward, and may even become politically self-blocking because when the movement towards a single-payer health care system requires cutting subnational budgets.
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This note summarizes my understanding of the challenges facing local government reform in Colombia at the dawn of its historic peace process. Having had no prior experience in Colombia, my understanding of these challenges is based on two... more
This note summarizes my understanding of the challenges facing local government reform in Colombia at the dawn of its historic peace process. Having had no prior experience in Colombia, my understanding of these challenges is based on two sources: A necessarily partial review of the now extensive literature on Colombian decentralization. And four days of intensive discussions held in Bogota between representatives of the Department of National Planning (DNP) and a team of local government experts from the SIDA-Funded FOINCIDE Project – a team which I had the honor to be a part of. 1 While the note's conclusions and recommendations are obviously my own, it is also fair to say that all of the participants in the discussion find regard the fact that Colombia has no grant mechanism specifically designed to provide general revenues to municipalities with weak tax bases, deeply problematic. There was also agreement that the absence of such a mechanism will pose additional challenges for the peace process in poor, post-conflict jurisdictions. As a result, the central purpose of the note is to outline a strategy that might allow for the introduction of such a fiscal equalization mechanism by the beginning of fiscal year 2018. In the first part of the note, I very briefly summarize the main characteristics of Colombia's intergovernmental finance system. The principal take-home message of this section is that while Colombia has gone a long way towards creating democratically-elected subnational governments (SNGs) it doesn't really believe in them: On the one hand, the vast majority of the country's, municipalities do not have enough freely disposable revenues to respond in any meaningful way to the needs or preferences of their electorates. On the other hand, and with the possible exception of the four largest municipalities, even those SNGs with reasonable revenues find their financial autonomy severely constrained by an extremely fragmented system of earmarked 1 1 The FOINCIDE Project is 2.5 year intervention designed to improve the prospects for peace and sustainable in Colombia through greater inclusion, accountability and equity at the local level. The discussions took place between January 30 th and February 3 rd. The other member of the SALAR/SIDA team were Magnus Liljestrom, Tomas Martin, and Andrea Barrios.
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In 1989, Polish reformers tried to make up for the historical absence of private property by selling off state assets. They hoped that by auctioning off state enterprises they could both create and allocate property rights, while severing... more
In 1989, Polish reformers tried to make up for the historical absence of private property by selling off state assets. They hoped that by auctioning off state enterprises they could both create and allocate property rights, while severing socialism's conflation of politics and ...
In January 1990, the Polish government began a reform process whose stated aim was to create rapidly a market economy with a &dquo; normal European&dquo; property structure. The government conceived of its project as a sequential... more
In January 1990, the Polish government began a reform process whose stated aim was to create rapidly a market economy with a &dquo; normal European&dquo; property structure. The government conceived of its project as a sequential transformation composed of three ...
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... economic weekly, HVG, for letting me use its own archives and Gyorgyi Kocsis. whose investigative reporting on nomenklatura privatization was an invaluable source. Roza Hodosan helped me with obtaining legislative documents. It was my... more
... economic weekly, HVG, for letting me use its own archives and Gyorgyi Kocsis. whose investigative reporting on nomenklatura privatization was an invaluable source. Roza Hodosan helped me with obtaining legislative documents. It was my good fortune to meet Anna Szekacs ...
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This is the fifth edition of the report prepared by the NALAS Fiscal Decentralization Task Force, as an ongoing effort to provide policy-makers and analysts with reliable comparative data on municipal finances and intergovernmental fiscal... more
This is the fifth edition of the report prepared by the NALAS Fiscal Decentralization Task Force, as an ongoing effort to provide policy-makers and analysts with reliable comparative data on municipal finances and intergovernmental fiscal relations in South-East Europe.
This edition covers the period 2006-2014. As before, the report tries to both capture regional trends, and major developments in particular countries/entities. This year, the report also includes short descriptions of property tax systems in the region, partly based on the findings of the NALAS Second Summer School of Local Governments and Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations which held in Ohrid, in August 2015 and focused on property taxation in SEE. A novelty in this edition is chapter on gender mainstreaming in fiscal decentralization.
This edition covers the period 2006-2014. As before, the report tries to both capture regional trends, and major developments in particular countries/entities. This year, the report also includes short descriptions of property tax systems in the region, partly based on the findings of the NALAS Second Summer School of Local Governments and Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations which held in Ohrid, in August 2015 and focused on property taxation in SEE. A novelty in this edition is chapter on gender mainstreaming in fiscal decentralization.
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This paper reviews the flow of resources to pre-university educational institutions in Estonia and analyzes the relationship between these resources and the performance of the education system as a system.
